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What about Taiwan?

In a recent article, Dennis Hickey claimed that: “On Oct. 10, the world will celebrate the 100th anniversary of the revolution that overthrew the Qing Dynasty and led to the establishment of the Republic of China (ROC)” and “that Taipei is gearing up to commemorate the uprising with a series of major events” on Monday (“ROC is alive and well in Taiwan,” March 21, page 8).

At this stage of Taiwan’s democratic development, only the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), the People First Party, the New Party and the US should celebrate the misnomer that is the ROC government.

In the PRC, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses the ROC to bolster the nationalism necessary for its continued one-party rule. At the same time, in order to reverse the process of Taiwanization, former dictator Chiang Kai-shek’s (蔣介石) “communist bandits” have cultivated a symbiotic relationship with a pan-blue camp that shows more concern for the well-being of Chinese official Zhang Ming-qing (張銘清) than Taiwanese.

In addition, the US supports the ROC government rather than the human rights of 23 million Taiwanese, because unlike the Republic of Taiwan envisioned in the 1991 Democratic Progressive Party charter, the ROC endures Chinese and US pressures and the limitations of international capitalism.

Thus, although the US, EU and Japan may acknowledge that “the ROC provides China, East Asia and elsewhere with a model for political reform,” as of this year, the PRC is also the world’s second-largest economy.

Hickey asserts that the ROC exists because “sovereignty resides in the state” that “exercises predominant authority within its borders, possesses a relatively stable population that owes its allegiance to the ROC government in Taipei, maintains formal diplomatic relations with roughly two dozen countries and strong ‘unofficial’ links with many others.”

In anticipation of the presidential election next year, voters in Taiwan should ask themselves if the ROC deserves loyalty or revolution. This government habitually denigrates its sovereignty in the international community.

For example, in its mostly failed bids to join international organizations, Taipei attempts to assure Beijing that the ROC is less than sovereign. Thus, the ROC becomes, occasionally, “Taiwan, Republic of China” or “Republic of China (Taiwan).”

Hickey doesn’t address the cowardice of the ROC state, but instead points out that the lack of official diplomatic ties between Taiwan and the US places Taiwan in the illustrious company of North Korea, Cuba and Iran — other states that also exist.

However, whether the nation-state that is Taiwan, but identifies itself as the anachronistic ROC exists, is not the question. A democratic Taiwan and/or the ROC undoubtedly exist(s). The relevant questions are: Does an independent, sovereign Taiwan have the right to exist? If so, do 23 million Taiwanese have the right to affirm de jure self-determination?

Given the rise of the PRC, the recent destruction of Taiwan’s potential military ally, Japan, and lack of diplomatic support from the US, should Taiwan wait indefinitely for conditions conducive to Taiwanese independence, or create those conditions itself?

SOPHIA SOLIVIO

Northampton, Massachusetts
 


Source: Taipei Times - Letter 2011/03/23



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Newsflash

The odds of President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) being re-elected in 2012 yesterday fell below 50 percent for the first time since May, according to a university prediction market.

Prediction markets are speculative exchanges, with the value of an asset meant to reflect the likelihood of a future event.

On a scale from NT$0 to NT$100, the probability of Ma winning a re-election bid was, according to bidders, NT$48.40, the Center for Prediction Market at National Chengchi University said.

The center has market predictions on topics including politics, the economy, international affairs, sports and entertainment. Members can tender virtual bids on the events, with the bidding price meant to reflect probability.

The re-election market had attracted 860,000 trading entries as of yesterday. It was launched in April.

The center said the figure slipped 2.3 percentage points yesterday from a day earlier, when Ma conceded that his party did not fare as well as hoped in the “three-in-one” elections.

The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) won 12 of Saturday’s 17 mayor and commissioner elections, but its total percentage of votes fell 2 percentage points from 2005 to 47.88 percent of votes nationwide.

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won just four of the races, but received 45.32 percent of the ballots, or a 7.2 percentage-point increase from 2005.

Since the center opened the trading on Ma’s re-election chances on April 11, prices have largely hovered around NT$60, but jumped to NT$70 in mid-June. The figure then fell to NT$51.80 in August after Typhoon Morakot lashed Taiwan, killing hundreds.

After then-premier Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄) resigned in September, the price returned to NT$63.2 and remained at around NT$60 for the following two months, the center said.

Since Ma took over as KMT chairman, the center said the number had steadily declined from NT$58 on Nov. 18 to NT$50.80 on Dec. 5. After Saturday’s elections, the figure fell below NT$50.

The center said the outcome yesterday would likely affect next year’s elections for the five special municipalities, as well as the next presidential election.

It also said the probability of Taipei Mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌) winning re-election was 72 percent, while the chances of Taipei County Commissioner Chou Hsi-wei (周錫瑋) winning again were 20 percent.

Source: Taipei Times 2009/12/07